Late last night after getting home from Ahmed’s funeral, we began to hear reports that another boy had been shot by Israeli soldiers in Ni’lin. This morning, doctors have confirmed that 17 year old Yousef Ahmad Younis Amera, who was shot in the head with 2 rubber coated steel bullets from close range, is now clinically dead. They expect him to survive for just a few more hours.
With tensions running high after Ahmed’s funeral yesterday, Israeli soldiers had remained at the entrance to the village. Two hundred boys and young men had gathered on the main street and built barricades to stop the soldiers entering the village. When an Israeli excavator tried to clear the barricades it was met by a hail of stones. In response, 50 Israeli soldiers stormed the village, firing tear gas, sound bombs and rubber bullets at the boys and men who had gathered (when I use the term rubber bullets I should make it clear that they are not just a ball of rubber but a ball of steel coated in a thin layer of rubber).
After the death of Ahmed you would think that the soldiers would refrain from using their weapons or if they really couldn’t help themselves they would at least ensure that their actions did not result in death. By the rules of their own army, Israeli soldiers and border police are only supposed to fire ammunition below the waste. The policeman that stood ten metres away from Ahmed had made the decision to fire at his head. You would think the death of a 10 year old child would be so repulsive that the soldiers would not even contemplate firing above people’s feet yesterday.
But no, in total 3 people were shot in the head last night with rubber coated steel bullets. Yousef was shot twice from close range and in a few hours it seems that he will be dead, like Ahmed, another victim of this brutal occupation.
There was no reason for the Israeli army to be in Ni’lin yesterday. The soldiers knew there would be a reaction to their presence. What group of young men anywhere in the world would not react to soldiers stalking through their village after killing a child? Why could they not just stay away and let the villagers mourn in peace? They knew their would be a confrontation and not one soldier who discharged his weapon yesterday can say he wasn’t aware of the consequences.
So in two days, two boys have lost their lives, shot in the head by highly trained military personnel. These were no accidents, this is Israeli policy. This state cannot continue to mask its activities under the cloak of security. These boys did not pose a threat to the state of Israel, they simply asked not to be imprisoned behind a huge concrete wall, where they and their families would have no hope of a future. Taking land from the people you are occupying and transferring your own population to that land is called ethnic cleansing, it is certainly not security or defence.
The longer I stay here the more upset and desperate I feel at the tragedies the Palestinian people have to suffer day after day, while the international community stands by and does nothing. We may think that the support Israel has from countries such as the US and the UK is too great to break, but we cannot ignore what is going on here. Public opinion matters. We only have to look at the role of boycotts and sanctions in bringing down the apartheid regime in South Africa to know that ordinary people can make a difference. While at Ahmed’s funeral yesterday I could not help but think of Hector Pieterson, the 12 year old boy who was shot and killed by South African police in the 1976 Soweto Uprising. The image of Hector being carried by another student, as his sister watched in despair, is now a symbol of the horrors of Apartheid South Africa. The death of Ahmed and the imminent death of Yousef are as awful and horrible as Hector’s. Let us not look back in thirty, forty or fifty years and see how awful this occupation is, let us realise now and be part of the movement to end it.
(Yousef died on 4th August)
Thursday, July 31, 2008
Soldiers Use Tear Gas and Sound Bombs at Ahmed's Funeral
Today we went to the funeral of Ahmed Mussa, the 10 year old boy killed yesterday by an Israeli border policeman. The funeral procession began in Ramallah where hundreds of people, including Ahmed's family, drove in convoy to bring his body home to Ni'lin where thousands of mourners were waiting.
When the convoy reached Ni'lin, there were dozens of soldiers and border police waiting on either side of the entrance to the village. Instead of showing a single shred of human decency, they surrounded the funeral procession, knowing that their presence would provoke a reaction and ensure that Ahmed would not be allowed to die in peace as he had not been allowed to live in peace.
As soon as the first stones were thrown, the soldiers fired tear gas and sound bombs directly into the funeral procession, not stopping as people fell and became trampled in the scramble to escape.
Why did the soldiers have to come to Ni'lin today? Could they not have left the area just for one hour or even stood 100 metres further back and just let it be? Could they not have let Ahmed's family and friends mourn without lining up as if to goad them and gloat that they had murdered him? I simply cannot understand what I see here.
The video below was taken as the soldiers began attacking the funeral procession:
Below is an account of Ahmed's funeral written by a colleague at IWPS:
The murder of Ahmed, Age 10
By Kim www.livefromoccupiedpalestine.blogspot.com
Another child has just been murdered. On Tuesday, July 29, Ahmed Ussam Yusef Mousa, aged 10, was shot dead with asingle shot to the head by Israeli occupation forces. Ahmed was murderedjust before 6pm, when he and a group of youth from Ni'lin village attempted to dismantle a section of barbwire fencing erected on the village's land by the Israeli occupation forces. Ahmed is now the 12 person and seventh child to be killed by the Israeli occupation forces in demonstrations against the apartheid fence. He is one of more than 800 Palestinian children killed by the Zionist state since the beginning of the Al Aqsa Intifada in September 2000.
My IWPS team mate and myself got the news last night as we arrived at the ISM office in Ramallah. Within fifteen minutes we were at the hospital. As we arrived Ahmed's little body was being brought into the hospital. My teammate and myself were "lucky" in that we did not see Ahmed but two of our fellow activists from the ISM did. Both long-term activists and very experienced, both of them spoke of how tiny Ahmed was. We all then left the hospital as we did not want to interfere with the family's grief and came back to the ISM media office to work to try and tell the world of Israel's barbarism.
The initial shock, grief and tears we all felt were held at bay over the next few hours as we worked in the ISM's media office, ringing media persons, outlets, pulling together media releases. As we emailed out the press releases to the media and our various networks around the world, the emails poured in expressing shock, outrage and heartache.
As the night wore on we sat with each other, listened and supported eachother, especially with those of use who had close contacts in Ni'lin and who had witnessed the arrival of Ahmed's body at the hospital. None of us could sleep, although we were all exhausted and we sat in the garden as the early hours of the morning came upon us. Finally at around 3am, the last of us forced ourselves to go to bed, but we all spent a sleepless night thinking about the grief the family must have been experiencing, their shock, horror and disbelief that their little boy was no longer with them.
In the morning, other members of the ISM and IWPS began to arrive in Ramallah, so we could all go to the hospital at 10am to be part of Ahmed's funeral procession and to accompany the family home with his body. At around 10.30am, dozens and dozens of residents from Ni'lin arrived at the hospital and Ahmed's body was brought out and placed in the ambulance. Soon, dozens of cars joined in the funeral procession. For the next 45 minutes we made our way in two Palestinian transit vans through the streets of Ramallah. As we did more cars, trucks and taxis joined us with more andmore people.
By the time we finally left the centre of Ramallah, there were more than 40 cars in the funeral procession. Many of the cars displayed Ahmed's shihad (martyr) poster (in Palestine anyone killed as a result of the occupation, whatever their age, is viewed as a martyr). The poster displayed a handsome little boy, slight of build and tiny. Each time I looked at the poster, I wondered how anyone one could think that this tiny child could be such a threat to the security of their state.
How could this little boy, with such a tiny frame, scare grown men? What could posses any person to think that the appropriate response to a small child such as Ahmed was live ammunition, aimed and fired at his head?
As I looked at his photograph trying to imagine why Ahmed had to die, his funeral procession began to make its way out of Ramallah. As we left the city and began to traverse the hills and pass through the surroundingPalestinian villages, we sat in silence, very little to say to each other, as the chants from the Palestinian mourners continued, remembering Ahmed, God and opposing the occupation and the apartheid wall.
As we weaved our way through one village after another, more cars joined us and others came to stand on the streets to offer their silent condolences and respect for Ahmed and his family. Along with adults, young children lined the streets of the villages we passed through and my heart broke as I watch their little faces, many of them too young to comprehend what the procession was about. But as I watched these small children through the windows of our car, I kept wondering if one day they too would share the same fate as Ahmed. And the sadness and anger in me grew once again.
As we approached Bil'lin village, a young father stood on the side of the road, along with a group of young children, many no doubt his own. They stood silent, bravely, in dignity with Palestinian flags in remembrance ofAhmed. It was at that point, all the composure and restraint I had imposed on myself since we first heard the news of Ahmed left me and tears began to stream down my face.
When we reached Bil'in, many of the village residents were on the streets and many joined the funeral procession. Soon we were nearing the settler highway that we must traverse to get to Ni'lin and we all wondered if we would be able to get in.
Would the Israeli army stop us? Would they use violence? Would they attack the funeral procession as they have done on other occasions?
As our car, which was about half way through the funeral procession, came to the highway, we could see the Israeli occupation forces had blocked the road and stopped Israeli plated cars from continuing. This sight was a relief. Soon we, along with the Palestinians mourners and other internationals poured out of the vehicles on to the highway. However, as we approached the entrance of Ni'lin we could see the Israeli occupation forces had also setup another barricade at the far side of the village entrance.
This was a clearly provocative act on the behalf of the Israeli occupation forces. They could have easily set up the barrier (as the road lead to TelAviv) 50 or 100 or 200 metres or more away. Placing the barrier where they did meant they would be confrontation, as emotions, tempers and anger at the killing and death of Ahmed spilled over.
As Ahmed's tiny body, wrapped in his funeral shroud, was carried above the crowd, the mourners chanted his martyrdom, against the occupation and the wall and for the greatness of God. Soon, smaller groups broke off from theprocession to confront the soldiers, yelling at them angrily. In response the Israeli occupation forces began to throw sound grenades and flashbombs. As myself and one of my IWPS teammates moved closer to the frontline to try and offer some sort of international presence, tear gas began to be fired by the Israeli military. For the next few minutes, we were caught between the military firing on us and the young Palestinian men throwing stones in response to the occupation forces attack on the funeral procession.
As people began to run, we were swept up in the chaos and at one point people tried to crush past a park car, resulting in several young boys being dragged down and trampled. Suddenly, I saw a man dragging the limp body of a young teenage boy and at first my heart went to my mouth, as I thought another child had been shot. As the young boy was dragged to safety, he began to gain consciousness and I breathed a huge sigh of relief.
The march continued towards the balidyier (the municipality office) and then towards the mosque, where tiny Ahmed was carried up the stairs. As prayers were called from the mosque, people sat and stood around in quite vigil forAhmed and his family.
When prayers finished, Ahmed was brought from the mosque and taken once again by funeral procession to the village burial ground. We walked quietly, as again the chants from the villagers and others Palestinians spoke of Ahmed's martyrdom, God and the occupation. As we approached the burial grounds, women stood atop the house near where little Ahmed would be buried. As the funeral procession passed by they performed the zachrohtah, the traditional sound made to wish someone well. In performing this tradition, the women sought to ensure Ahmed's journey to paradise would be happy and joyful.
As the men accompanied Ahmed's body for burial, we decided to remain outsideand listen to the prayers and sermon. As we waited there, two young girls, both under the age of ten came to say hello. As we conversed, they asked me my name, where I lived and other innocent questions. As I responded, in my badly pronounced Arabic, they also began to ask if I liked Noor, the widely popular Turkish soap opera (which is dubbed in Arabic) that is showing at the moment on Palestinian television. I asked them if they liked Mohanad, the male lead, who all the Palestinian girls have fallen in love with and they told me yes. As I practiced my Arabic with them and spoke of the things little girls find interesting and joyful, I thought again of Ahmed who will never have the chance to play his children's games with his friends or his family and of how he would never be able to speak of the television shows he loved. And again the sadness swept over me for Ahmed and for his family, who would miss him so much.
When the convoy reached Ni'lin, there were dozens of soldiers and border police waiting on either side of the entrance to the village. Instead of showing a single shred of human decency, they surrounded the funeral procession, knowing that their presence would provoke a reaction and ensure that Ahmed would not be allowed to die in peace as he had not been allowed to live in peace.
As soon as the first stones were thrown, the soldiers fired tear gas and sound bombs directly into the funeral procession, not stopping as people fell and became trampled in the scramble to escape.
Why did the soldiers have to come to Ni'lin today? Could they not have left the area just for one hour or even stood 100 metres further back and just let it be? Could they not have let Ahmed's family and friends mourn without lining up as if to goad them and gloat that they had murdered him? I simply cannot understand what I see here.
The video below was taken as the soldiers began attacking the funeral procession:
Below is an account of Ahmed's funeral written by a colleague at IWPS:
The murder of Ahmed, Age 10
By Kim www.livefromoccupiedpalestine.blogspot.com
Another child has just been murdered. On Tuesday, July 29, Ahmed Ussam Yusef Mousa, aged 10, was shot dead with asingle shot to the head by Israeli occupation forces. Ahmed was murderedjust before 6pm, when he and a group of youth from Ni'lin village attempted to dismantle a section of barbwire fencing erected on the village's land by the Israeli occupation forces. Ahmed is now the 12 person and seventh child to be killed by the Israeli occupation forces in demonstrations against the apartheid fence. He is one of more than 800 Palestinian children killed by the Zionist state since the beginning of the Al Aqsa Intifada in September 2000.
My IWPS team mate and myself got the news last night as we arrived at the ISM office in Ramallah. Within fifteen minutes we were at the hospital. As we arrived Ahmed's little body was being brought into the hospital. My teammate and myself were "lucky" in that we did not see Ahmed but two of our fellow activists from the ISM did. Both long-term activists and very experienced, both of them spoke of how tiny Ahmed was. We all then left the hospital as we did not want to interfere with the family's grief and came back to the ISM media office to work to try and tell the world of Israel's barbarism.
The initial shock, grief and tears we all felt were held at bay over the next few hours as we worked in the ISM's media office, ringing media persons, outlets, pulling together media releases. As we emailed out the press releases to the media and our various networks around the world, the emails poured in expressing shock, outrage and heartache.
As the night wore on we sat with each other, listened and supported eachother, especially with those of use who had close contacts in Ni'lin and who had witnessed the arrival of Ahmed's body at the hospital. None of us could sleep, although we were all exhausted and we sat in the garden as the early hours of the morning came upon us. Finally at around 3am, the last of us forced ourselves to go to bed, but we all spent a sleepless night thinking about the grief the family must have been experiencing, their shock, horror and disbelief that their little boy was no longer with them.
In the morning, other members of the ISM and IWPS began to arrive in Ramallah, so we could all go to the hospital at 10am to be part of Ahmed's funeral procession and to accompany the family home with his body. At around 10.30am, dozens and dozens of residents from Ni'lin arrived at the hospital and Ahmed's body was brought out and placed in the ambulance. Soon, dozens of cars joined in the funeral procession. For the next 45 minutes we made our way in two Palestinian transit vans through the streets of Ramallah. As we did more cars, trucks and taxis joined us with more andmore people.
By the time we finally left the centre of Ramallah, there were more than 40 cars in the funeral procession. Many of the cars displayed Ahmed's shihad (martyr) poster (in Palestine anyone killed as a result of the occupation, whatever their age, is viewed as a martyr). The poster displayed a handsome little boy, slight of build and tiny. Each time I looked at the poster, I wondered how anyone one could think that this tiny child could be such a threat to the security of their state.
How could this little boy, with such a tiny frame, scare grown men? What could posses any person to think that the appropriate response to a small child such as Ahmed was live ammunition, aimed and fired at his head?
As I looked at his photograph trying to imagine why Ahmed had to die, his funeral procession began to make its way out of Ramallah. As we left the city and began to traverse the hills and pass through the surroundingPalestinian villages, we sat in silence, very little to say to each other, as the chants from the Palestinian mourners continued, remembering Ahmed, God and opposing the occupation and the apartheid wall.
As we weaved our way through one village after another, more cars joined us and others came to stand on the streets to offer their silent condolences and respect for Ahmed and his family. Along with adults, young children lined the streets of the villages we passed through and my heart broke as I watch their little faces, many of them too young to comprehend what the procession was about. But as I watched these small children through the windows of our car, I kept wondering if one day they too would share the same fate as Ahmed. And the sadness and anger in me grew once again.
As we approached Bil'lin village, a young father stood on the side of the road, along with a group of young children, many no doubt his own. They stood silent, bravely, in dignity with Palestinian flags in remembrance ofAhmed. It was at that point, all the composure and restraint I had imposed on myself since we first heard the news of Ahmed left me and tears began to stream down my face.
When we reached Bil'in, many of the village residents were on the streets and many joined the funeral procession. Soon we were nearing the settler highway that we must traverse to get to Ni'lin and we all wondered if we would be able to get in.
Would the Israeli army stop us? Would they use violence? Would they attack the funeral procession as they have done on other occasions?
As our car, which was about half way through the funeral procession, came to the highway, we could see the Israeli occupation forces had blocked the road and stopped Israeli plated cars from continuing. This sight was a relief. Soon we, along with the Palestinians mourners and other internationals poured out of the vehicles on to the highway. However, as we approached the entrance of Ni'lin we could see the Israeli occupation forces had also setup another barricade at the far side of the village entrance.
This was a clearly provocative act on the behalf of the Israeli occupation forces. They could have easily set up the barrier (as the road lead to TelAviv) 50 or 100 or 200 metres or more away. Placing the barrier where they did meant they would be confrontation, as emotions, tempers and anger at the killing and death of Ahmed spilled over.
As Ahmed's tiny body, wrapped in his funeral shroud, was carried above the crowd, the mourners chanted his martyrdom, against the occupation and the wall and for the greatness of God. Soon, smaller groups broke off from theprocession to confront the soldiers, yelling at them angrily. In response the Israeli occupation forces began to throw sound grenades and flashbombs. As myself and one of my IWPS teammates moved closer to the frontline to try and offer some sort of international presence, tear gas began to be fired by the Israeli military. For the next few minutes, we were caught between the military firing on us and the young Palestinian men throwing stones in response to the occupation forces attack on the funeral procession.
As people began to run, we were swept up in the chaos and at one point people tried to crush past a park car, resulting in several young boys being dragged down and trampled. Suddenly, I saw a man dragging the limp body of a young teenage boy and at first my heart went to my mouth, as I thought another child had been shot. As the young boy was dragged to safety, he began to gain consciousness and I breathed a huge sigh of relief.
The march continued towards the balidyier (the municipality office) and then towards the mosque, where tiny Ahmed was carried up the stairs. As prayers were called from the mosque, people sat and stood around in quite vigil forAhmed and his family.
When prayers finished, Ahmed was brought from the mosque and taken once again by funeral procession to the village burial ground. We walked quietly, as again the chants from the villagers and others Palestinians spoke of Ahmed's martyrdom, God and the occupation. As we approached the burial grounds, women stood atop the house near where little Ahmed would be buried. As the funeral procession passed by they performed the zachrohtah, the traditional sound made to wish someone well. In performing this tradition, the women sought to ensure Ahmed's journey to paradise would be happy and joyful.
As the men accompanied Ahmed's body for burial, we decided to remain outsideand listen to the prayers and sermon. As we waited there, two young girls, both under the age of ten came to say hello. As we conversed, they asked me my name, where I lived and other innocent questions. As I responded, in my badly pronounced Arabic, they also began to ask if I liked Noor, the widely popular Turkish soap opera (which is dubbed in Arabic) that is showing at the moment on Palestinian television. I asked them if they liked Mohanad, the male lead, who all the Palestinian girls have fallen in love with and they told me yes. As I practiced my Arabic with them and spoke of the things little girls find interesting and joyful, I thought again of Ahmed who will never have the chance to play his children's games with his friends or his family and of how he would never be able to speak of the television shows he loved. And again the sadness swept over me for Ahmed and for his family, who would miss him so much.
Wednesday, July 30, 2008
Ten Year Old Boy Shot Dead by Israeli Soldier at Demonstration in Ni'lin
While finishing the post below, news came through that a 10 year old boy called Ahmed Ussam Yusef Mousa, has been killed by an Israeli soldier during a demonstration in Ni'lin. He was shot in the head with live ammunition from close range and died instantly.
Having seen the behaviour of soldiers in Ni'lin over the past couple of weeks it is horrible to say that this tragic and utterly deplorable death does not come as a surprise. This murderous, brutal and illegal occupation must be brought to an end and the Israeli state must be held to account for the appalling crimes it has committed. For Ahmed and his family, like many others, it is already too late. Let it not be too late for the next victim.
From ISM media:
A 10 year old boy called Ahmed Ussam Yusef Mousa was shot dead at approximately 6pm near the Palestinian village of Ni'lin. He was shot once in the head at close range with live ammunition. According to eye witnesses a group of youths attempted to remove coils of razor wire from land belonging to the village. Without warning, they were fired upon and Ahmed was killed.
Israeli newspaper Maariv reported in March that the Israeli authorities have given a new order to border police operating along the apartheid wall surrounding Jerusalem. They can now open fire directly on Palestinians who try to demonstrate near the barrier. But sniping is forbidden if there are Israeli or foreign citizens amongst demonstrators.
According to ISM volunteers inside Ni'lin, confrontations are now taking place between villagers and the Israeli forces; shots have been heard and five people are said to have been wounded. Demonstrations have been held almost every day for the past few weeks as near Nil'in against Israel's Apartheid Wall, declared illegal by the International Court in the Hague in 2004. The wall will deprive the village of almost 2,500 Dunums of agricultural land, and put the existence of the entire community in doubt.The Israeli Army and Border Police have been increasingly ill-disciplined and violent in response to the demonstrations.
At least 11 other Palestinians have died protesting against Israeli's apartheid wall. Their names are:
Mohammad Fadel Hashem Rayan, age 25
Zakaria MaHmud Salem, age 28
Abdal Rahman Abu Eid, age 62
Mohammad Daud Badwan, age 21
Diaa Abdel Karim Abu Eid, age 24
Hussain mahmud Awwad Aliyan, age 17
Islam Hashem Rizik Zhahran, age 14
Alaa Mohammad Abdel Rahman Khalil, age 14
Jamal Jaber Ibrahim Assi, age 15
Odai Mofeed Mahmud Assi, age 14
Mahayub Nimer Assi, age 15.
Having seen the behaviour of soldiers in Ni'lin over the past couple of weeks it is horrible to say that this tragic and utterly deplorable death does not come as a surprise. This murderous, brutal and illegal occupation must be brought to an end and the Israeli state must be held to account for the appalling crimes it has committed. For Ahmed and his family, like many others, it is already too late. Let it not be too late for the next victim.
From ISM media:
A 10 year old boy called Ahmed Ussam Yusef Mousa was shot dead at approximately 6pm near the Palestinian village of Ni'lin. He was shot once in the head at close range with live ammunition. According to eye witnesses a group of youths attempted to remove coils of razor wire from land belonging to the village. Without warning, they were fired upon and Ahmed was killed.
Israeli newspaper Maariv reported in March that the Israeli authorities have given a new order to border police operating along the apartheid wall surrounding Jerusalem. They can now open fire directly on Palestinians who try to demonstrate near the barrier. But sniping is forbidden if there are Israeli or foreign citizens amongst demonstrators.
According to ISM volunteers inside Ni'lin, confrontations are now taking place between villagers and the Israeli forces; shots have been heard and five people are said to have been wounded. Demonstrations have been held almost every day for the past few weeks as near Nil'in against Israel's Apartheid Wall, declared illegal by the International Court in the Hague in 2004. The wall will deprive the village of almost 2,500 Dunums of agricultural land, and put the existence of the entire community in doubt.The Israeli Army and Border Police have been increasingly ill-disciplined and violent in response to the demonstrations.
At least 11 other Palestinians have died protesting against Israeli's apartheid wall. Their names are:
Mohammad Fadel Hashem Rayan, age 25
Zakaria MaHmud Salem, age 28
Abdal Rahman Abu Eid, age 62
Mohammad Daud Badwan, age 21
Diaa Abdel Karim Abu Eid, age 24
Hussain mahmud Awwad Aliyan, age 17
Islam Hashem Rizik Zhahran, age 14
Alaa Mohammad Abdel Rahman Khalil, age 14
Jamal Jaber Ibrahim Assi, age 15
Odai Mofeed Mahmud Assi, age 14
Mahayub Nimer Assi, age 15.
Soldiers Run Amok at Women's Demonstration
On Wednesday we went to a women’s only demonstration in Ni’lin. Women from all over the West Bank joined Israeli and international women in a demonstration against the construction of the Apartheid Wall and the confiscation of land belonging to the village (see post below for background).
I had thought that being a demonstration made entirely of women, the soldiers might show a little restraint in the use of their weaponry, but it was not to be. As we walked down towards the construction site, holding banners made by the children at the local school, the soldiers walked straight towards us and threw tear gas canisters and sound bombs at us.
We were not to be deterred however and repeatedly regrouped after every attack. For over an hour, the women of the village stood in front of the soldiers between attacks and told them what the occupation and the Wall was doing to their lives. Some of the soldiers, many of them only 18, looked thoroughly uncomfortable with what was going on. Presumably because they knew these women could be their mother or their sister. For the rest of the soldiers however, there was to be no moment of reflection.
As the women tried to speak to some of the soldiers there were others bursting with excitement with tear gas canisters and sound bombs dangling from their finger tips and bulging out of their pockets. It was as if they simply had too many toys to play with. Every time we tried to regroup, they would just hurl their weapons at us. Even their commander could not control them. Every time a weapon was thrown he shouted at the soldier to stop, as he was reprimanding one soldier, another soldier ten metres away would throw his weapon, as he went to reprimand him, the same would happen again. It was honestly like a comedy sketch except there was nothing funny about it, everything they were throwing had the potential to kill or seriously main if used from such close range. That their commander was trying to control them was a positive but the fact that he couldn’t, was a very dangerous negative.
As the soldiers became bolder and bolder as more and more of them managed to use their weapons while the commander wasn’t looking, a full scale assault on the women began, with tear gas and sound bombs being thrown from only meters away. When men from the village, who had been standing away from the demonstration, saw the attack, they came in to help the women get away. As they did, the soldiers, now free of any inhibitions they may have had previously, used their batons and rifle butts to beat the men. It was as if there was a huge sense of release that they could physically hit men while only being able to gas women.
At one point I saw a man emerge with blood pouring from his head. As medics came to treat him one soldier threw tear gas directly at them. As they ran away the soldier followed them and each time they tried to sit the man down to treat him, the soldier threw tear gas at them. It was as if it was a game where all rules had been abandoned (even the lawless Israeli army are not allowed to target medics). In the melee that resulted, two men were arrested; one was an international taking photographs of the demonstration who, after being held in detention for 6 days, was deported this evening and the second man was the father of the girl who filmed the incident that made international news last week, in which a soldier shot a bound and blindfolded Palestinian. He has been in prison since his arrest and is yet to appear in court. There is no indication of how long he will be held for and what he is charged with.
I had thought that being a demonstration made entirely of women, the soldiers might show a little restraint in the use of their weaponry, but it was not to be. As we walked down towards the construction site, holding banners made by the children at the local school, the soldiers walked straight towards us and threw tear gas canisters and sound bombs at us.
We were not to be deterred however and repeatedly regrouped after every attack. For over an hour, the women of the village stood in front of the soldiers between attacks and told them what the occupation and the Wall was doing to their lives. Some of the soldiers, many of them only 18, looked thoroughly uncomfortable with what was going on. Presumably because they knew these women could be their mother or their sister. For the rest of the soldiers however, there was to be no moment of reflection.
As the women tried to speak to some of the soldiers there were others bursting with excitement with tear gas canisters and sound bombs dangling from their finger tips and bulging out of their pockets. It was as if they simply had too many toys to play with. Every time we tried to regroup, they would just hurl their weapons at us. Even their commander could not control them. Every time a weapon was thrown he shouted at the soldier to stop, as he was reprimanding one soldier, another soldier ten metres away would throw his weapon, as he went to reprimand him, the same would happen again. It was honestly like a comedy sketch except there was nothing funny about it, everything they were throwing had the potential to kill or seriously main if used from such close range. That their commander was trying to control them was a positive but the fact that he couldn’t, was a very dangerous negative.
As the soldiers became bolder and bolder as more and more of them managed to use their weapons while the commander wasn’t looking, a full scale assault on the women began, with tear gas and sound bombs being thrown from only meters away. When men from the village, who had been standing away from the demonstration, saw the attack, they came in to help the women get away. As they did, the soldiers, now free of any inhibitions they may have had previously, used their batons and rifle butts to beat the men. It was as if there was a huge sense of release that they could physically hit men while only being able to gas women.
At one point I saw a man emerge with blood pouring from his head. As medics came to treat him one soldier threw tear gas directly at them. As they ran away the soldier followed them and each time they tried to sit the man down to treat him, the soldier threw tear gas at them. It was as if it was a game where all rules had been abandoned (even the lawless Israeli army are not allowed to target medics). In the melee that resulted, two men were arrested; one was an international taking photographs of the demonstration who, after being held in detention for 6 days, was deported this evening and the second man was the father of the girl who filmed the incident that made international news last week, in which a soldier shot a bound and blindfolded Palestinian. He has been in prison since his arrest and is yet to appear in court. There is no indication of how long he will be held for and what he is charged with.
Saturday, July 26, 2008
More Settler Attacks, More Injustice
Attack No.1:
On Saturday we met a 44 year old Palestinian woman who had been attacked by a female Israeli settler on her way to work. The woman was at a bus shelter near Zatara checkpoint at around 9am waiting for the bus that would take her to work in the local council. As she waited, a group of settler women approached her. She recognised one of them to be a woman who had verbally abused her a month before, telling her that she was not allowed to use the bus shelter as it was ‘settler-only’. When the group reached her, the settler she recognised, who was in her mid-twenties, took a baton out of her bag and struck the Palestinian on the knee so hard that she was signed off work for 8 days and felt pain in her knee for almost 3 months. Too afraid to repeat her journey, the woman had to put in a transfer request and now works in a different district.
Not only was this incident cruel and vicious, but it also illustrates the chilling similarities of what is going on in Palestine with Apartheid South Africa and the discrimination against black people in the United States. Although there are no signs above the bus shelters designating them ‘settler-only’, there are enough civilians wielding batons to ensure that Palestinians know their place.
Attack No. 2:
On Monday night we were called out to the village of Immatin where settlers had attacked Palestinians working in their land. By the time we reached the village the attack had finished, but we met with the Palestinians who had been injured and they told us what had happened.
A father and son had been working in their field at around 5pm when they were approached by 5 settlers, 2 of them on horseback, 3 on foot. The settlers began shouting abuse at them and threatening to beat them if they did not leave their land. As about 15 Palestinians who were working in nearby fields came to help, the settlers moved to higher ground, where within minutes they were joined by up to 20 masked settlers. The settlers began throwing stones at the Palestinians and lighting fires on their land.
A number of Israeli soldiers arrived but they did nothing to stop the settlers. The father who had been working in his field, went to the soldiers and asked if they were going to stop the attack. As he was talking to the soldiers, a settler came between him and the soldiers and sprayed him with an unknown substance in his eyes, causing them to inflame and the skin on his face to burn. As he turned away, the settler hit him on the back of his head with a stick. When his son went to help the settler sprayed the son’s arms and hands with the substance and also beat him on the back of his head and the lower back. All along the soldiers stood there and did nothing to stop the attack.
The soldiers then moved to the higher ground and stood alongside the settlers. Instead of intervening as the settlers continued to light fires and throw stones, they fired tear gas and rubber bullets at the Palestinians as they tried to reach their land to put the fires out. One Palestinian was shot in the thigh by a rubber bullet and as he fell from the impact a soldier threw a tear gas canister directly at him. Eventually the settlers left and Palestinian firemen were able to put out the fires but not before 60 olive trees had been destroyed.
Attack No.3:
On Thursday we were called back to the same village as settlers were attacking once again. By the time we reached the village, after waiting 40 minutes at a checkpoint, the attack had ended. This time the settlers had set fire to over 50 dunums of land, destroying 130 olive trees (the picture on the left shows some of the burnt land). Once they had lit the fires, the settlers had left.
When we arrived at the village there were over 30 soldiers in the area. When we asked what they were doing there, one of them replied ‘We are here to prevent conflict’. We then asked him if they were making any efforts to arrest whoever was responsible for the fires. He replied that it was a matter for the police and gestured over his shoulder to where a number of policemen seemed to be sat twiddling their thumbs in a police jeep.
So having seen their land destroyed, the Palestinians were now surrounded by soldiers while the settlers continued their crusade. During the course of the afternoon a number of other villages reported similar attacks and it is thought that the same group of settlers were responsible. When we drove through one area a whole valley was filled with smoke. The Israeli army had closed the road leading to the affected villages so we were unable to enter to see or report on the damage. However when we spoke with somebody on the phone he said that a large group of settlers had reached the village of Burin where they had thrown stones at Palestinians, smashed cars, started fires and cut wires supplying electricity to the village.
It is thought that the settlers responsible came from local settler outposts (pictured right). Outposts are illegal even under Israeli law (any type of settlement is illegal under international law). They began to appear in the 1990s and are established when settlers take over new areas of land, generally on hilltops close to existing settlements, and set up mobile homes on the land and declare it to be a new settlement. Although supposedly illegal they are indirectly and often directly supported by the Israeli government. What generally happens is that the government declares them illegal but does nothing about them until eventually they begin to resemble an actual settlement, so then the government recognises them and pumps in the resources and incentives that other settlements receive.
Occasionally the government makes a symbolic attempt to dismantle the outposts (10 have been dismantled since 2001 but another 60 have been established). On Thursday the army made such an attempt and tried to remove a trailer from a local outpost that settlers had recently moved there and begun living in. When the army tried to remove the trailer, clashes broke out and the settlers then went on a rampage attacking the village of Burin and lighting the fires described above.
On Saturday we met a 44 year old Palestinian woman who had been attacked by a female Israeli settler on her way to work. The woman was at a bus shelter near Zatara checkpoint at around 9am waiting for the bus that would take her to work in the local council. As she waited, a group of settler women approached her. She recognised one of them to be a woman who had verbally abused her a month before, telling her that she was not allowed to use the bus shelter as it was ‘settler-only’. When the group reached her, the settler she recognised, who was in her mid-twenties, took a baton out of her bag and struck the Palestinian on the knee so hard that she was signed off work for 8 days and felt pain in her knee for almost 3 months. Too afraid to repeat her journey, the woman had to put in a transfer request and now works in a different district.
Not only was this incident cruel and vicious, but it also illustrates the chilling similarities of what is going on in Palestine with Apartheid South Africa and the discrimination against black people in the United States. Although there are no signs above the bus shelters designating them ‘settler-only’, there are enough civilians wielding batons to ensure that Palestinians know their place.
Attack No. 2:
On Monday night we were called out to the village of Immatin where settlers had attacked Palestinians working in their land. By the time we reached the village the attack had finished, but we met with the Palestinians who had been injured and they told us what had happened.
A father and son had been working in their field at around 5pm when they were approached by 5 settlers, 2 of them on horseback, 3 on foot. The settlers began shouting abuse at them and threatening to beat them if they did not leave their land. As about 15 Palestinians who were working in nearby fields came to help, the settlers moved to higher ground, where within minutes they were joined by up to 20 masked settlers. The settlers began throwing stones at the Palestinians and lighting fires on their land.
A number of Israeli soldiers arrived but they did nothing to stop the settlers. The father who had been working in his field, went to the soldiers and asked if they were going to stop the attack. As he was talking to the soldiers, a settler came between him and the soldiers and sprayed him with an unknown substance in his eyes, causing them to inflame and the skin on his face to burn. As he turned away, the settler hit him on the back of his head with a stick. When his son went to help the settler sprayed the son’s arms and hands with the substance and also beat him on the back of his head and the lower back. All along the soldiers stood there and did nothing to stop the attack.
The soldiers then moved to the higher ground and stood alongside the settlers. Instead of intervening as the settlers continued to light fires and throw stones, they fired tear gas and rubber bullets at the Palestinians as they tried to reach their land to put the fires out. One Palestinian was shot in the thigh by a rubber bullet and as he fell from the impact a soldier threw a tear gas canister directly at him. Eventually the settlers left and Palestinian firemen were able to put out the fires but not before 60 olive trees had been destroyed.
Attack No.3:
On Thursday we were called back to the same village as settlers were attacking once again. By the time we reached the village, after waiting 40 minutes at a checkpoint, the attack had ended. This time the settlers had set fire to over 50 dunums of land, destroying 130 olive trees (the picture on the left shows some of the burnt land). Once they had lit the fires, the settlers had left.When we arrived at the village there were over 30 soldiers in the area. When we asked what they were doing there, one of them replied ‘We are here to prevent conflict’. We then asked him if they were making any efforts to arrest whoever was responsible for the fires. He replied that it was a matter for the police and gestured over his shoulder to where a number of policemen seemed to be sat twiddling their thumbs in a police jeep.
So having seen their land destroyed, the Palestinians were now surrounded by soldiers while the settlers continued their crusade. During the course of the afternoon a number of other villages reported similar attacks and it is thought that the same group of settlers were responsible. When we drove through one area a whole valley was filled with smoke. The Israeli army had closed the road leading to the affected villages so we were unable to enter to see or report on the damage. However when we spoke with somebody on the phone he said that a large group of settlers had reached the village of Burin where they had thrown stones at Palestinians, smashed cars, started fires and cut wires supplying electricity to the village.
It is thought that the settlers responsible came from local settler outposts (pictured right). Outposts are illegal even under Israeli law (any type of settlement is illegal under international law). They began to appear in the 1990s and are established when settlers take over new areas of land, generally on hilltops close to existing settlements, and set up mobile homes on the land and declare it to be a new settlement. Although supposedly illegal they are indirectly and often directly supported by the Israeli government. What generally happens is that the government declares them illegal but does nothing about them until eventually they begin to resemble an actual settlement, so then the government recognises them and pumps in the resources and incentives that other settlements receive.Occasionally the government makes a symbolic attempt to dismantle the outposts (10 have been dismantled since 2001 but another 60 have been established). On Thursday the army made such an attempt and tried to remove a trailer from a local outpost that settlers had recently moved there and begun living in. When the army tried to remove the trailer, clashes broke out and the settlers then went on a rampage attacking the village of Burin and lighting the fires described above.
When Palestinians in Burin tried to stop the settlers the army arrived in the village, but far from being deterred, a settler grabbed a gun from one of the soldiers and fired several shots in the air. When he did this the soldiers standing by did nothing. If a Palestinian had done the same he would have been killed within seconds. I am not saying that the settler should have been killed but the incident illustrates the complete lawlessness and impunity with which the settlers act. Basically they have formed their own militia that even the might of the Israeli army is afraid, or perhaps unwilling, to challenge. If the army cannot even stand up to the settlers then what chance is there that they will protect Palestinian farmers and villagers from these gangs as they prowl the hillside in search of their prey.
The problem with settlements and outposts is two-fold. Not only are Palestinians subjected to attacks from their inhabitants but vast areas of land have been annexed by the Israelis for their creation. This leaves the prospects of peace based on a Palestinian state on pre-1967 borders (which unfortunately is the only likely outcome of the current era of 'negotiations') in tatters.
A staunch supporter of settlements and outposts was the former Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon, whose term in office ended in 2006 after he suffered a stroke. Thirty years ago Sharon was asked how Israelis should deal with Palestinians, he responded that, ‘We'll make a pastrami sandwich out of them. We'll insert a strip of Jewish settlements in between the Palestinians, and then another strip of Jewish settlements right across the West Bank, so that in twenty-five years time, neither the United Nations nor the United States, nobody, will be able to tear it apart.’ In 1998, while Israeli foreign minister, he publicly urged settlers to seize hilltops in order to break up the continuity of Palestinian areas, saying: ‘Let everyone get a move on and take some hilltops! Whatever we take, will be ours, and whatever we don't take, will not be ours!'
It has been Israeli policy since negotiations with Palestinians began to continually change the ‘facts on the ground’ so that every time the Palestinians negotiate they are in fact negotiating for less and less land. Each time the Israelis offer the Palestinians a state of their own in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, it is not the same territory that they captured in 1967 but a shrunken shadow of this territory, punctured and dislocated by Israeli settlements. When the Palestinians refuse the offer (which also denies them the right to control their own borders, control of their own resources, freedom to choose their own capital and numerous other conditions synonymous with a sovereign state) it is they who are blamed for the failure of the peace talks (which is what happened in Camp David in 2000).
While the negotiations stall, the Israelis continue to grab more and more land through the expansion and establishment of settlements and outposts (there are currently over 400,000 Israeli settlers living in the West Bank and occupied East Jerusalem) so that next time they offer the Palestinians a state it will be a further reduced and dissected one. The pressure from the international community (mainly the US) is for the Palestinians to accept the state being offered by Israel but where is the justice in this proposed state?
In 1948 after the creation of the state of Israel, the Palestinians were left with 22% of the land of Palestine which comprised the West Bank and the Gaza Strip. In 1967 the Israelis occupied this territory, subjected its population to a brutal occupation and have since taken a further 40% of their land for settlements, infrastructure, military bases and the continuing construction of the Apartheid Wall. Now the Palestinians are criticised for not accepting the offer of a state that resembles a butchered array of cantons, where vast amounts of land, used to support a historically agricultural population, have been taken and many villages and towns are cut off from each other in enclaves surrounded by Israeli settlements through which they are unable to pass.
Settlements have dire consequences for the daily life of Palestinians and for the prospects of peace in the region. These consequences are compounded by the fact that settlers appear to have been given free reign to attack Palestinians. Police investigations are scarce and ineffective and although occasionally arrested, settlers are very rarely brought to justice. So not only have Palestinians lost their land and their homes and been cut off from family, friends and livelihoods, they must now live in fear of attack from those responsible, despite the fact that the very existence of settlers is illegal under international law.
The problem with settlements and outposts is two-fold. Not only are Palestinians subjected to attacks from their inhabitants but vast areas of land have been annexed by the Israelis for their creation. This leaves the prospects of peace based on a Palestinian state on pre-1967 borders (which unfortunately is the only likely outcome of the current era of 'negotiations') in tatters.
A staunch supporter of settlements and outposts was the former Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon, whose term in office ended in 2006 after he suffered a stroke. Thirty years ago Sharon was asked how Israelis should deal with Palestinians, he responded that, ‘We'll make a pastrami sandwich out of them. We'll insert a strip of Jewish settlements in between the Palestinians, and then another strip of Jewish settlements right across the West Bank, so that in twenty-five years time, neither the United Nations nor the United States, nobody, will be able to tear it apart.’ In 1998, while Israeli foreign minister, he publicly urged settlers to seize hilltops in order to break up the continuity of Palestinian areas, saying: ‘Let everyone get a move on and take some hilltops! Whatever we take, will be ours, and whatever we don't take, will not be ours!'
It has been Israeli policy since negotiations with Palestinians began to continually change the ‘facts on the ground’ so that every time the Palestinians negotiate they are in fact negotiating for less and less land. Each time the Israelis offer the Palestinians a state of their own in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, it is not the same territory that they captured in 1967 but a shrunken shadow of this territory, punctured and dislocated by Israeli settlements. When the Palestinians refuse the offer (which also denies them the right to control their own borders, control of their own resources, freedom to choose their own capital and numerous other conditions synonymous with a sovereign state) it is they who are blamed for the failure of the peace talks (which is what happened in Camp David in 2000).
While the negotiations stall, the Israelis continue to grab more and more land through the expansion and establishment of settlements and outposts (there are currently over 400,000 Israeli settlers living in the West Bank and occupied East Jerusalem) so that next time they offer the Palestinians a state it will be a further reduced and dissected one. The pressure from the international community (mainly the US) is for the Palestinians to accept the state being offered by Israel but where is the justice in this proposed state?
In 1948 after the creation of the state of Israel, the Palestinians were left with 22% of the land of Palestine which comprised the West Bank and the Gaza Strip. In 1967 the Israelis occupied this territory, subjected its population to a brutal occupation and have since taken a further 40% of their land for settlements, infrastructure, military bases and the continuing construction of the Apartheid Wall. Now the Palestinians are criticised for not accepting the offer of a state that resembles a butchered array of cantons, where vast amounts of land, used to support a historically agricultural population, have been taken and many villages and towns are cut off from each other in enclaves surrounded by Israeli settlements through which they are unable to pass.
Settlements have dire consequences for the daily life of Palestinians and for the prospects of peace in the region. These consequences are compounded by the fact that settlers appear to have been given free reign to attack Palestinians. Police investigations are scarce and ineffective and although occasionally arrested, settlers are very rarely brought to justice. So not only have Palestinians lost their land and their homes and been cut off from family, friends and livelihoods, they must now live in fear of attack from those responsible, despite the fact that the very existence of settlers is illegal under international law.
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